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Business News/ Opinion / New rules in Lutyens’ Delhi
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New rules in Lutyens’ Delhi

Narendra Modi's NDA govt is approaching its six-month mark after a historic win in 16th Lok Sabha election. A good time to take stock

Prime Minister Narendra Modi addresses NDA members of Parliament during a high tea hosted by him at his residence in Delhi on Sunday evening. Photo: PTIPremium
Prime Minister Narendra Modi addresses NDA members of Parliament during a high tea hosted by him at his residence in Delhi on Sunday evening. Photo: PTI

On Sunday, the resurgent Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) formally expanded its electoral footprint when it took charge in Haryana; presumably Maharashtra will happen in the next week or so. At the same time, the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) inspired by Narendra Modi is also approaching its six-month mark after its historic win in the 16th general election. A good time to take stock.

A lot has changed in this period. Much more than just the decade-old Congress regime in Delhi, Haryana and Maharashtra (15 years). These changes have a great bearing on the future polity of India. At the core, the grammar of governance in Lutyens’ Delhi is undergoing a radical overhaul—exactly why critics are clueless, forgetting that the art of war requires you to first understand your enemy. It is only logical that this will result in a domino effect, forcing, for good or for bad, a fresh round of change. Here are my five takeaways.

First, the regime change is reworking the governance lexicon. For long, we have gotten used to the Delhi culture of cabals made up of politicians, bureaucrats, middlemen and journalists and mistakenly accepted it as the governance paradigm. This system, built by carpetbaggers on the principle of IOUs, has broken down and we are yet to see it recoup—doubt if it will ever regain the ominous proportions.

The immediate fallout has been the replacement of pessimism with optimism. In turn, this has injected a new sense to public purpose—which till now for us taxpayers was self aggrandizement of the privileged few through misappropriation of public funds. This is exactly why an idea like Swachh Bharat finds such resonance.

Second, Modi has restored the power of leadership. Even his worst critics can’t take this away, while they may quibble on its fallout. Modi has demonstrated a sense of certitude, for good or bad, something we have not witnessed in this country for a long time. The PM’s style of leading from the front—like Kapil Dev did 31 years ago to inspire an incredible World Cup victory, when no one would have bet a dime on it—and consummate risk-taking skills are no doubt reinforcing his political credentials. (During the election campaign in Haryana, Modi showed, unmindful of the backlash, political courage to address the sensitive subject of missing girls—the declining sex ratio.)

Thirdly, flowing from the above, the NDA has restored the importance of the maxim: execution and accountability. It is always important to say the right things, but it equally requires you walk the talk. The Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) had great ideas and vision, but failed miserably in executing; and further compounded their errors of omission with unpardonable acts of commission.

The UPA must be kicking itself now, even while they whine that the NDA is merely implementing what they had put in place. Whether it be the idea of Aadhaar (ironic to hear the very same people in UPA who nearly nixed Nandan Nilekani’s plans singing praises for the scheme after being out of office), targeted subsidies, freeing up energy prices or greater cooperation in South Asia, they remained mostly a WIP under the previous government. Difficult to hazard in six months whether this can be sustained, but at the least it is a good start.

Fourthly, doing business is no longer a four-letter word. Beginning with the Union budget, the NDA is persistently pushing for a greater enabling environment for business even as it continues to champion the cause of the poor—again preferring to empower them to participate in the economy, instead of relying only on subsidies. Finance minister Arun Jaitley summed up this approach best: You can be pro-poor and pro-business.

And it does not stop there. I could never imagine an Indian prime minister participating in the inauguration of a super
speciality hospital set up by an industrialist—on this occasion by Mukesh Ambani, undoubtedly this country’s biggest industrialist. Normally, Indian politicians would shrink from such
exposure, mindful of the fallout—and social media was full
of it.

Finally, a new social compact is being etched. The government and the public are no longer alienated entities, who come in contact once in five years and whose responsibilities differ. From the choice of Hindi as the language of governance (some call it language imperialism), Modi’s fortnightly radio shows or the PM’s relentless use of mediums such as social media or public platforms, there is a clear effort to ensure greater public participation in governance. The clear message is that what is good for the government is good for the people.

In the final analysis, it is clear that Lutyens’ Delhi is being fundamentally transformed. It will be five more years before we can say it is for here to stay.

Anil Padmanabhan is deputy managing
editor of Mint and writes every week on the intersection of politics and economics.

Comments are welcome at
capitalcalculus@livemint.com

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Published: 27 Oct 2014, 01:24 AM IST
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