New Delhi: As Prime Minister Narendra Modi prepares to travel to the UK next month—roughly three weeks after Chinese President Xi Jinping returns from a visit to the same nation—India and China, the two economic powerhouses of Asia, find themselves linked by a hyphen in the eyes of the world.
The two leaders seem to be criss-crossing the globe in tandem, showcasing their nations’ economic growth, aggressive missions to attract foreign investment and strategic ambition. Yet, the contours of this rivalry between India and China are far more complex than can be defined by a single dash between their names, say analysts.
The 1980s and 1990s were marked by the so-called hyphenation of India and Pakistan by Western powers.
In the diplomatic context, the hyphenation of India and Pakistan was used in the backdrop of Western powers trying to deal with India and Pakistan on an equal footing despite their obvious differences and dissimilarities, said former foreign secretary Kanwal Sibal.
The geopolitical context was the decade-long Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, which made Pakistan, for the US and its allies, a frontline state in the war against communism.
In the second decade of the 21st century, however, it is India and China that are seemingly linked by the hyphen.
While in the case of the India-Pakistan ‘hyphenation’, India was the one to object to being considered on par with Pakistan; in the case of India and China, it is the Chinese who have not taken kindly to the comparison—drawn mainly by Western leaders and economists due to the economic credentials of the two Asian giants, Sibal said.
“In some ways, this hyphenation (between India and China) took place on the economic side, due to the somewhat similar growth rates and the concept of the rise of Asian economies,” Sibal said. “But in strategic terms, the hyphenation exists only in a limited way.”
In recent years, India and China have been variously described as “ChinIndia” and the “elephant and the dragon”. Some of the latest economic growth projections for India and China are separated by a few basis points despite the fact that China’s is a $10.4 trillion economy while India’s is only around $2 trillion. India’s economic growth for 2015-16 is projected to be 7.4% and China’s 6.8% by the Asian Development Bank.
Other similarities between India and China include the challenge of poverty eradication and almost comparable population sizes.
At the helm of government in the two countries are leaders who seem to shadowing each other as they criss-cross the globe in a bid to garner global business and attention.
In September, Chinese President Xi and Indian Prime Minister Modi were in the US at the same time—both met the crème de la crème of American business and signed deals. In the case of China, it was to the tune of $38 billion while India awarded contracts worth $2.5 billion to US companies.
Xi is currently on a four-day visit to the UK, the centrepiece of which has been a $28 billion deal to finance nuclear power stations in Britain. Modi will be in UK from 12-14 November seeking investments and technology partnerships that India hopes will propel the relationship into a higher orbit.
Last November, Xi and Modi were in Australia for the G-20 Summit and used the opportunity to hold bilateral meetings with then Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott. Both addressed the Australian parliament on consecutive days, and both visited Fiji to address a summit of Pacific island nations—again, on consecutive days.
Next week, India will be hosting the India-Africa Forum Summit to be attended by some 35-40 heads of state and governments of African countries in New Delhi. In December, China will hold a similar conference in South Africa, which is expected to bb attended by leaders of all 54 African states.
“I don’t know whether I would call this comparison, mainly seen by the West, as a hyphenation of India and China. But I would say that there is a subtle contest for influence,” said Srikanth Kondapalli, a professor of Chinese Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi. “Each one is trying to enhance its interests. The way it’s done is indirect and subtle. The advantage at this stage is with China which has more resources at hand and can offer more in terms of aid and trade partnerships,” he said.
While there are those who see similarities in terms of economic potential and population numbers, there are also those who perceive distinct differences—chiefly the fact that India is a democracy and China isn’t.
“India is viewed as a benign power while China is not,” said a diplomat from a SouthEast Asian country who did not wish to be named. “India’s influence is seen as stabilizing rather than unpredictable. It is seen as a responsible power that uses its power wisely; in fact, sometimes seen as a reluctant power,” said the diplomat.
The comment is a pointed reference to disputes between China and a number of countries in SouthEast Asia over the demarcation of maritime boundaries and exclusive economic zones in the South China Sea. China claims all of the South China Sea as its territorial waters.
According to Sibal, India of late has been shedding some of its reluctance over raising its strategic profile in the Asian context. He recalled that India and the US had issued statements on “a joint strategic vision for the Asia-Pacific” when US President Barack Obama visited India in January, similar to a document issued when Modi visited the US last year.
Evidence of India showing some of its strategic heft can also be seen in the increasing numbers of port calls being made by Indian Navy warships in the region. Last week, the Indian Navy conducted exercises along with the US and Japanese navies in the Bay of Bengal, despite obvious Chinese reservations. There is a trilateral dialogue at the level of the foreign ministers of India, Japan and the US—the first of which was held in the US last month.
For all this, “it will take some years before India can seriously consider itself at par with China”, said an Indian official who did not wish to be named.
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